This reveals the fact that tremendous time and resources were squandered and numerous lives were lost. In , the American Civil Liberties Union also announced that it was unable to assess the social justification for legislation intended for the oppression or exclusion of sexual minorities. In , Kameny entered the forces.
Following the battle in Europe, he was convinced that he was to be sent to the Pacific, only to find that President Harry Truman delivered two nuclear bombs that called a halt to the battle in Asia too.
Kameny believed Truman did the right thing. As a doctor of astronomy, Kameny was employed by the Army Map Service in The space race soon started following the launch of the first-ever manmade satellite by the Soviet Union. It seemed that Kameny could now fulfill his aspirations of becoming an astronaut. However, his ambitions were soon crushed as the Army learned that he had previously been convicted on a morals charge and dismissed him right away.
Kameny opposed his dismissal, different from any other homosexual public servants. Kameny was defeated in his lawsuit, but his message had been heard. He persisted with his fight for decades to come by expanding the Mattachine Society, coordinating homosexual strike action, advocating equal employment opportunity for the homosexual community, and changing the mindset of psychiatrists in the United States. The black civil rights era was the basis and trigger of the transgender movement.
A year later, Kameny informed the chairperson of the federal Civil Service Commission that there was a lot of similarity between the homosexual community and African Americans in the s in the United States. In , Robert Nix, an African American legislator, asked Kameny to come to his office, something which had never occurred before. Abstract Using interview data transcribed from original interviews with 36 gay, lesbian, or bisexual currently serving and retired police officers, this article considers the deviance value of a non-heterosexual orienlational status within the police organization and attempts a preliminary assessment of its impact on individual police officers.
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This article is also available for rental through DeepDyve. View Metrics. Email alerts Article activity alert. Roughly police arrived at the scene. As demonstrators attempted to step forward, police pushed them back.
Two women on the front lines told Human Rights Watch that some police officers grabbed their breasts and used homophobic slurs; men reported that some police had jabbed at their genitals with batons in an effort to make them stop the demonstration. Footage broadcast on Indonesian television news networks shows uniformed police grabbing demonstrators, dragging them into a circle of other officers, and kicking them on the ground.
The crowd relented under the police pressure and dissipated as the sun went down. Monitors from human rights organizations helped by checking the surrounding area and ensuring participants could take certain roads home—that there were not people waiting to attack them.
For the next week, activists who had participated in the demonstration received calls from unknown sources demanding to know who the organizers were. After the demonstration, I was told that police were at our [NGO] office the next day—so I have stayed in my home to avoid any contact with them. According to activists, in the early morning of February 24, just hours after the crackdown on the LGBT solidarity demonstration, a group of seven unidentified men violently attacked a waria while she was walking home in downtown Yogyakarta.
Shinta, 54 years old, started the pesantren in on a piece of property owned by her family. She told her family about her waria identity when she was 18, and began immediately wearing the jilbab Muslim headscarf and female clothing.
Shinta went immediately to the police station to request protection. At a. Thirty minutes later a group from FJI arrived and demanded Shinta close the pesantren. By 10 a. Shinta, accompanied by LBH, went to the police station to file a report on the harassment. You should treat them like a good Javanese person welcomes guests. On the evening of February 24, Shinta along with three other warias from the pesantren arrived on time for the 8 p.
At the meeting, Shinta spoke first—telling the crowd her own story, and explaining how Islamic principles apply to waria. Shinta was devastated, but for her safety and to protect her constituents, she decided to abide by the popular decision. The closure dealt a significant blow to the marginalized waria community.
I feel so lost now. The government and extremist groups play their political games and control our lives—these political games ruin our lives. Only God knows who we really are in our souls. I feel like a dog. Police and government should protect us—not participate in this.
The newfound volatility in meant visibility was an extreme risk. Activists rushed to conceal their own identities and those of their constituents; individuals who had divulged their sexual orientation or gender identity to family or community members experienced increased harassment in private, and some relocated as a security measure.
In one instance a lesbian couple was harassed in their home. Human Rights Watch interviewed three people in Medan who explained what happened. In mid-February, a group of men from an unidentified religious group intimidated the couple who shared a rented room. After issuing further insults and threats, the men left. The activists discussed the incident with human rights NGOs in Medan later that week, but were advised not to report it to police for fear of provoking the police against them.
A waria in South Sulawesi told Human Rights Watch that on February 15, , a group of unidentified men threw stones at waria at a public space in a city in South Sulawesi that was popular for informal gatherings among waria. Nearly all of the LGBT people Human Rights Watch interviewed described intensified harassment in their communities, including in places and situations where they had historically felt safe and supported. And for young lesbians, that means forced early marriage to men.
However that has changed. The increasingly heated anti-LGBT public discourse gave people both a new vitriolic vocabulary and the social sanction to deploy it. Since the chorus of anti-LGBT rhetoric she no longer feels protected. Some individuals told Human Rights Watch that the hostility has made them increasingly afraid and thus discrete about how they appear and even what they talk about in public.
No reason to draw attention to ourselves as the debate heats up. But it was not the only impact. Two government-appointed commissions issued misinformed and discriminatory statements, while some religious and professional associations called for criminalization of LGBT lives and LGBT-related human rights activism. Government agencies with mandates relevant to rights protection and promotion could have reacted to oppose such developments, but remained silent.
On February 16, Dr. On March 24, Dr. He said:. During a meeting with Human Rights Watch on April 12, however, the minister denied any knowledge of Dr.
International mental health bodies and a growing number of national mental health professional associations around the world have developed non-discrimination policies with regard to treatment for LGBT people. There is no sound scientific evidence that innate sexual orientation can be changed. Furthermore, so-called treatments of homosexuality can create a setting in which prejudice and discrimination flourish, and they can be potentially harmful.
Affirmation of these beliefs by mental health officials had an almost immediate negative impact. As an activist in Makassar told Human Rights Watch:. The law does not clarify who and what criteria would be used to determine competence. In a report, Human Rights Watch documented hundreds of cases of people with psychosocial disabilities in Indonesia being shackled or held in forced seclusion against their will in government-run facilities. It will mean that they are both creating hateful information about us, and blocking even our own access to information about ourselves.
The [LGBT movement] is a potential threat to the marriage law in Indonesia that does not accept same-sex marriage. Claiming over 50 million members, the NU has, since its establishment in , developed into an unparalleled civil, political, and religious force in Indonesia.
It operates formal governance structures at province, district, subdistrict, and village levels; runs thousands of pesantren , or Islamic boarding schools; and oversees institutes in fields including healthcare, education, economics, and law.
For example, it has failed to support the Ahmadiyah, a persecuted religious minority, and its political sway was viewed as an influential factor in the anti-Ahmadiyah decree issued by the government in The NU represents a guiding force in not only religious practice, but also civil society activism, socioeconomic development, and policymaking; as such it inhabits a unique platform from which to disseminate its stated ideology of tolerance and social justice—or, as its statement on LGBT people and activism on February 22 indicated, the reverse.
As explained above, NU holds considerable political sway in Indonesia. Its operational capacities have been recognized by the international community. The construal is particularly disturbing given the appalling conditions that many people with mental health conditions in Indonesia face. In the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights published a guide summarizing some of the core legal obligations of states with respect to protecting the human rights of LGBT people.
Indonesia is a party to several key human rights treaties and protocols setting forth many of these obligations. In upholding the rights to life and to security and freedom from cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ICCPR obligates Indonesia to protect all persons within its territory or jurisdiction, including members of marginalized groups, from violence.
States have the responsibility to investigate and prosecute violence, whether by state or non-state actors.
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